This tutorial is intended for those who independently learn the Mongolian language. It allows you to develop speech skills necessary for communication and reading simple literature, and to master the basics of grammar: the lessons of the tutorial acquaint you with the grammatical features of the language, and with common everyday vocabulary.
The following conjecture is proposed: 'New Apuleius' 27.15 ordine cieri Stover: ordinem queri cod.: ordine moueri Shumilin.
A New Greek defixio from Nikonion
A conjecture of longe is proposed at Verg. Aen. 12.510 based on Vergil’s Homeric model and on a probable imitation by Statius.
Academic bibliography of Syriac and Christian Arabic Studies in Russian.
A new conjecture eam <suaui> deuinctam and A. Palmer’s conjecture eam <leni> deuinctam (preferably the latter one) are recommended in Cat. 64.122 on the grounds of plausibility of haplographic omission of both inserted words: for the first one, suaui deuinctam > deuinctam (cf. Lucr. 4.453–454, Varro Logistor. fr. 28 Bolisani); for the second one, leui deui- > deui-, given the affinity of n and u in Latin minuscule script (cf. Enn. Ann. 2 Skutsch, Lucr. 4.1009, Hor. Carm. 3.1.22–23, Ou. Met. 8.823, Ou. Fast. 4.653, Ou. Trist. 4.3.22). The conjectures preferred by modern editors and researches of Catullus’ text (viz., K. Lachmann’s <uenerit>, aut ut, preferred by most modern editors, Pomponius Laetus’ eam <placido> deuinctam, preferred by D.R. Shackleton Bailey and G. Trimble, and J.M. Trappes-Lomax’s aut ut securo deuinctam) do not meet the requirement of providing a plausible explanation of the process of corruption. Both conjectures recommended also correspond in sense to the epithet dulci that we find in the corresponding place of a similar expression in Ciris 206 (a passage obviously dependent on Catullus) and that E. Baehrens argued to have correspondences in a number of passages connected with Ariadne’s dream (Philostr. Imag. 1.15.1, Nonn. Dion. 47.320, Prop. 1.3.7); however, inserting the word dulci itself in Cat. 64.122 (as done in MS Grenoble, Bibliothèque Municipale 549 and in ed. Romana 1472) is impossible, as pointed by G. Trimble, since Catullus uses the word dulcis just two lines earlier, in Cat. 64.120.
For the first time after D. H. Müller’s pioneering studies of the 1900s, a large body of folklore texts in Soqotri becomes available to the Semitological scholarship. The language is spoken by ca. 100.000 people inhabiting the island Soqotra (Gulf of Aden, Yemen). Soqotri is among the most archaic Semitic languages spoken today, whereas the oral literature of the islanders is a mine of deeply original motifs and plots. Texts appear in transcription, English and Arabic translations, and an Arabic-based native script. Philological annotations deal with grammatical, lexical and literary features, as well as realia. The Glossary accumulates all words attested in the volume. The Plates provide a glimpse into the fascinating landscapes of the island and the traditional lifestyle of its inhabitants.
The paper considers two cases of Ovid’s playful treatment of features specific for the locations of his narrative. In Ov. Met. 6.673 the piece of Tereus’ armor that is being transformed into hoopoe’s beak is described in a contradictory way: rather as a spear or a prolonged point (praelonga cuspis), while the context more probably implies a sword. I argue that this might allude to some specific form of Thracian armor, in particular with the so-called romphaia, especially if it is correctly identified by the archaeologists. It must be something functioning both as a sword and as a spear, and having a very long thin blade, reminiscent of the form of hoopoe’s beak. In Ov. Met. 7.6 I suggest that purely literary explanations of the epithet limosus applied to the river Phasis (like that of E. Kenney, comparing it to the description of Tiber in Verg. Aen. 7.31) can be supplied by the comparison with that fact that the real river Rioni (corresponding to ancient river Phasis) is indeed muddy. Ovid could get acquainted with this fact from geographical descriptions like Arr. Peripl. 8.5; for instance, he could choose facts from similar descriptions that fitted his allusive intentions in a particular passage. Possibly a similar case can be detected in Ov. Met. 6.400, where cf. Curt. 3.1.3–4 (here a river in Phrygia is described, which means that Ovid could actually visit this place personally during his trip described in Ov. Pont. 2.10.21, but the similarity of the expressions used in two passages still seems noteworthy).
The glory won by Yanagita Kunio (1875-1962) is rarely attained by "real" humanitarian scholars, espesially as he was dealing with such a narrow field of knowledge as ethnology. Yanagita was unknown to the general public before the war, but gained official recognition in the post-war period.
The present paper identifies new attestations for, and revises the meanings of, some rare words and expressions that appear mainly in Mari letters: baziʔitum ‘(a kind of) monkey’; bêšum ‘to explain, make clear’; ḫarāqum ‘to breach’; ina šārat waṣûm ‘to escape by a hair’s breadth’; kīsum ‘purse’; pāḫātum ‘responsibility’; rabbum ‘chief’; sagûm ‘to wander’; sakānum ‘to settle’; tabākum ‘to throw out’; tarākum ‘to hold aloft’.
This paper is the first one in an intended series of publications on lexicostatistical relations between several linguistic groupings that have all been assigned by Joseph Greenberg to the hypothetical Khoisan macrofamily. Here, we examine the numbers and natures of various matches between the basic lexicon of two such groupings: the closely related cluster of Ju (North Khoisan) dialects and the Eastern ǂHoan language, formerly considered an isolate but now widely regarded as the closest, and only non-controversial, genetic relative of Ju. Based on both superficial and etymological analysis of the data (including the reconstruction of a Swadesh wordlist for Proto-Ju), we conclude that there are from 32% to 44% matches between Proto-Ju and ǂHoan (depending on the degree of strictness required from phonetic correspondences), which is translatable to a time depth comparable with such families as Fenno-Ugric and Kartvelian. Additionally, the distribution of cognates between the various stability layers of the basic lexicon is analyzed, leading to the conclusion that the matches are indeed indicative of genetic relationship rather than areal contact.
The purpose of this article is to analyze the celection and organization of poetic material of two medieval poetic collections, Shinsanjūrokkasen and Koyasan Kongōzanmai-in tanzaku, created respectively in the middle of the 13th and the middle of the 14th centuries, and to give information about the manuscripts of these collections stored at the Russian State Library in Moscow.
The article offers a critical review of an annotated chrestomathy of Sargonic Akkadian texts published by F. Breyer (F. Breyer, Altakkadisches Elementarbuch).
The following article examines the structure of a remarkable Christian Arabic treatise from the eleventh century, the heyday of Arabic culture: the Book of Sessions (Kitāb al-majālis) of Elias of Nisibis (975-1046), metropolitan of the Church of the East. In this treatise, Elias presents his discussions with his Muslim interlocutor, the vizier Abū l-Qāsim al-Maghribī (981-1027). The article compares the Book of Sessions with Elias’ Epistle to the vizier, taking into consideration some further documents that shed new light on the genesis of the Book of Sessions.
In this paper I present a detailed analysis of a number of morphological comparisons between the branches of the hypothetical Hokan family. The following areas are considered: 1) subject person/number markers on verbs, as well as possessor person/number markers on nouns, 2) so-called ‘lexical prefixes’ denoting instrument and manner of action on verbs, 3) plural infixes, used with both nouns and verbs, and 4) verbal directional suffixes ‘hither’ and ‘thither’. It is shown that the respective morphological parallels can be better accounted for as resulting from genetic inheritance rather than from areal diffusion.
The increasing availability of large digital corpora of cross-linguistic data is revolutionizing many branches of linguistics. Overall, it has triggered a shift of attention from detailed questions about individual features to more global patterns amenable to rigorous, but statistical, analyses. This engenders an approach based on successive approximations where models with simplified assumptions result in frameworks that can then be systematically refined, always keeping explicit the methodological commitments and the assumed prior knowledge. Therefore, they can resolve disputes between competing frameworks quantitatively by separating the support provided by the data from the underlying assumptions. These methods, though, often appear as a ‘black box’ to traditional practitioners. In fact, the switch to a statistical view complicates comparison of the results from these newer methods with traditional understanding, sometimes leading to misinterpretation and overly broad claims. We describe here this evolving methodological shift, attributed to the advent of big, but often incomplete and poorly curated data, emphasizing the underlying similarity of the newer quantitative to the traditional comparative methods and discussing when and to what extent the former have advantages over the latter. In this review, we cover briefly both randomization tests for detecting patterns in a largely model-independent fashion and phylolinguistic methods for a more model-based analysis of these patterns. We foresee a fruitful division of labor between the ability to computationally process large volumes of data and the trained linguistic insight identifying worthy prior commitments and interesting hypotheses in need of comparison.
The Hebrew Bible often uses anthropomorphic imagery with regard to God. In some verses of the Septuagint these antropomorphic images seem to be eliminated or downplayed. In the present paper we shall deal with just one of the “anthropomorphisms” of the Hebrew Bible that used to be discussed in the scholarly litrature, namely with the Hebrew semipreposition בעני “in the eyes of” with regard to God. The question we try to answer may be formulated as follows: is it true that the translation of this semipreposition in a given LXX text depends in a statistically significant way on whether the expression refers to God or to man?
The paper provides a list of morphological innovations exclusively shared by Mlaḥsô and Ṭuroyo. These point to the existence of a proto-Ṭuroyo/Mlaḥsô, which was not an ancestor of any other modern Aramaic language known to us. A study of the basic lexicon of Mlaḥsô, in comparison with that of Ṭuroyo and NENA, supplies a lexical dimension to the proto-Ṭuroyo/Mlaḥsô hypothesis. A second goal of the paper is to trace innovations and retentions of Mlaḥsô as compared with proto-Ṭuroyo/Mlaḥsô.