There is published a female burial in the catacomb 1119 of Ust’-Al’ma necropolis situated on the southwestern shore of the Crimea. There are found personal jewellery (gold ear-rings, amphora-pendants and beads of a necklace, sewn plaques) as well as grave goods (gold leaves of a funeral wreath, gold eye-pieces, two hand-formed ceramic incense-burners, a ceramic jug, an iron knife, a ceramic unguentarium of the bulbous type, a ceramic red-slip bowl, two ceramic spindle-whorls). The grave might belong to a representative of social elite, and dates to the period from the first half to the middle of the 1st century AD.
In the first, still unpublished, volume of The Blessed Compendium (al-Majmūʿ al-mubārak)—the historical work of the 13th-century Arabic-speaking Christian writer al-Makīn ibn al-ʿAmīd, there is a chapter on the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius II the Younger (r. 402–450). In this chapter, Ibn al-ʿAmīd retells the famous story of Moses of Crete, “who appeared among the Jews” and declared himself to be the Messiah to subsequent tragic disappointment of those who believed in him. The present article discusses this story and suggests an explanation for the discrepancies between Ibn al-ʿAmīd’s and its Arabic source—the Book of the Heading (Kitāb al-ʿUnwān) of Agapius of Manbij (Hierapolis).
This contribution offers to the readers a publication and translation (with linguistic and philological commentaries) of a recently discovered piece of Old Amharic poetry, possibly dating to the first half/middle of the 17th century. The published text bears the title Märgämä kəbr (“Condemnation of glory”), but its content differs from that of several other Old Amharic poems (not entirely independent from each other) known under the same title. It is only the general idea and the main topics that are shared by all Märgämä kəbr poems: transience of the earthly world, the inevitability of death and of God’s judgement, and the necessity of leading virtuous life.
One can thus speak of Märgämä kəbr as a special genre of early Amharic literature, probably originally belonging to the domain of oral literature and used to address the Christian community with the aim of religious education and admonition of the laymen.
The following conjecture is proposed: 'New Apuleius' 3.20 Stover (p. 100) qui negantis Stover (quis negantis cod.): qui suae gentis Shumilin.
Academic bibliography of Syriac and Christian Arabic Studies in Russian.
This note presents black-figure pottery from the excavations of the ancient settlement of Menekse Çatağı (‘Violet crossroads’). It is located on the north-west shore of the Sea of Marmara, 12 km north-east of Tekirdağ. The site was excavated between 1993 and 2007. The collection consists of 27 fragmented vessels. By the form they are divided into tableware and vessels for oil and perfumes. The collection covers the period from the second half of the 6th to the first half of the 5th century BC.
In this paper, I attempt to compare the relative rates of replacement of basic vocabulary items (from the 100-item Swadesh list) over four specific checkpoints in the history of the Chinese language: Early Old Chinese (as represented by documents such as The Book of Songs), Classic Old Chinese, Late Middle Chinese (represented by the language of The Record of Linji), and Modern Chinese. After a concise explication of the applied methodology and a detailed presentation of the data, it is shown that the average rates of replacement between each of these checkpoints do not significantly deviate from each other and are generally compatible with the classic «Swadesh constant» of 0.14 loss per millennium; furthermore, these results correlate with other similar observed situations, e.g. for the Greek language, though not with others (Icelandic). It is hoped that future similar studies on the lexical evolution of languages with attested written histories will allow to place these observations into a more significant context.
The purpose of this article is to research the continental prototypes for Fujiwara-no Kamatari Biography (the main part of “Toshi Kaden”/“The Fujiwara House Biography”). Kamatari was the key political figure of his time and one of the Japanese statehood fathers. Whereas the Chinese prototypes are well investigated, we could not say so about the Korean ones. However, Kamatari is compared with both Chinese and Korean statesmen. It is for this reason, that the paper focuses on the analysis of the possible Korean prototypes.
Les volumes des deux grands dictionnaires contenant les entrées pour le(s) mot(s) ittum ont paru il y a plus d’un demi-siècle. Depuis, deux études détaillées du vocable, ainsi que plusieurs publications concernant ses aspects particuliers, on vu le jour ; le nombre d’attestations a aussi beaucoup augmenté. D’ailleurs, toutes les bonnes idées d’études antérieures à 1960 n’avaient pas trouvé leur chemin dans les dictionnaires. Il est donc temps de dresser un nouveau bilan sur le vocable ittum.
La présente étude ne porte que sur la langue paléobabylonienne, y compris le dialecte hymnico-épique. Les exemples du vocable provenant d’autres dialectes akkadiens, ainsi que les listes lexicales, ne seront cités que lorsque ce sera nécessaire pour éclaircir tel ou tel sens de ittum attesté en paléobabylonien.
Les résultats de l’investigation peuvent être résumés de la manière suivante. En paléobabylonien, il existe au moins deux mots homonymes, aux étymologies différentes :
- ittum « signe », remontant à la racine protosémitique nominale *ayat- « signe » ; les sens concrets attestés pour ce mot sont « signe omineux », « signe particulier » et « rappel » (§ 2).
- ittum « moment, date », provenant de la racine protosémitique verbale *wˤd « fixer l’heure » ; en particulier, la phrase ana ittīšu a un sens idiomatique « dans le délai d’un an » dans les contrats de prêt (§ 3).
Plusieurs attestations du vocable ittum proviennent de contextes problématiques. Certaines d’elles peuvent appartenir à des homonymes, ou des sens dérivés, d’ittum « signe » qui n’ont toujours pas été identifiés avec précision (§ 4). D’autres exemples présumés de ittum « signe » ou ittum « moment » ont disparu suite à la réinterprétation des contextes respectifs (§ 5). En particulier, les formes écrites i-da-at en paléobabylonien n’ont rien à voir avec ittum « signe » et doivent être attribuées à un mot différent (§ 6).
I boken Jakobiter – vilka är dem? Har Jan Beṯ-Şawoce samlat många artiklar och dokument rörande den syrisk-ortodoxa kyrkans historia. Han har haft god hjälp av medarbetare som har översatt till svenska från flera främmande språk. Den första delen av boken handlar om hur benämningen Jakobiter uppstod. Trots att det aldrig varit kyrkans officiella namn har kyrkan ändå kallats den jakobitiska sedan århundraden tillbaka. Flera artiklar försöker ringa in just vilken av många möjliga Jakob som kan ha inspirerat till namnet. Ett annat avsnitt tar upp den tidiga spridningen av kyrkan, framförallt var någonstans olika kyrkomän varit aktiva, var de tidigaste klostren fanns och den syrisk kristna litteraturens blomstring under medeltiden. Den sista delen tar upp de stora inre striderna under 1700-och 1800-talet då delar av församlingen lämnade den ortodoxa kyrkan och övergick till katolicismen. Allt detta är mycket spännande och som vanligt med Jan Beṯ-Şawoces samlingsvolymer, ger boken mycket nyttiga kunskaper. David Gaunt, Professor i historia Södertörns högskola.
The publication of materials from the burial-ground, excavated by the Dniester Archaeological Expedition of the Shevchenko State University in Transnistria between 1995 and 2012 near the village of Glinoe, can truly be regarded as a long-awaited event. This is not only because a comprehensive publication of this archaeological site makes it a more important source of information and will set in motion new research based on this study. Materials from the Glinoe Burial-ground relate mainly to the 3rd or 3rd-2nd centuries BC – in other words to the period, which many scholars regard as a lacuna in the historical development of the North Pontic region. This makes the data published in this work extremely important for specifying with greater accuracy the nature of the cultural-historical processes that were taking place in the area.
In cuneiform writing, there is a little-studied category of signs known as “check marks” (German Merkzeichen or Archivvermerke, French coches or marques de contrôle). They have the shape of simple horizontal, vertical, oblique and angular wedges or scratches, their repetitions, combinations or impressions of the round end of the stylus. The functions of the check marks may be divided into intratextual and extratextual ones. The intratextual marks helped the scribe proofread the text after it had been composed. The extratextual marks pointed at some relation between the text and the real world. The check marks of both kinds appear as early as in archaic texts of Uruk, at the turn of the 3rd millennium BC, and remain in use until the 1st millennium BC. The first part of the study shall provide a brief overview of the check marks that were in use in different cuneiform corpora. The second part shall describe the use of check marks in a particular cuneiform corpus, the archives of Mari (Tell Hariri) dating to the early 18th century BC.
This article focuses on Lahuti’s poem Dāstān-e gol (The Story of a Rose), which has not been included in any of the poet’s published collections. The conspicuous absence of that poem from printed sources is due to the peculiar circumstances of its creation in 1938.It was written as a private letter, and its only addressee and intended reader was Josef Stalin (1878–1953), the leader of the Soviet Union from the mid-1920s until his death. A typewritten copy of the poem has been preserved in the Lahuti archive. Poems to and about Stalin constitute a special genre of Soviet poetry; by the end of the 1930s, a great many such unrestrained panegyrics had been composed. However, the poem deviates markedly from other poetry of the genre in a very special way: it was not meant for publication; it was addressed directly to Stalin and served a very specific purpose ‒ to convey a private message from the poet to the ruler asking to right the wrong. We preface our publication of the text with the story behind the poem; this story sheds some light on the poem’s pragmatic goal and on the subsequent fate of its author. We publish Dāstān-e gol in full, in a Persian–English parallel translation, and conclude this article with a short analysis of the poem. Here we focus mostly on the rhetorical strategy of persuasion chosen by Lahuti in his attempt to influence the emotions of the ruler by means of poetry, in accordance with old Persian custom.
The note proposes a conjecture to Quintilian.
The paper contains a review on a recently published volume ‘The Syriac World’, edited by Daniel King, which is dedicated to various aspects of Syriac culture, including history, literature, language and arts.
The volume under review is a welcome contribution to the field of Dravidian historical linguistics (particularly phonology and etymology), whose overall impact has sadly diminished over the past two decades, with the passing away of many eminent scholars (M.B. Emeneau, Bh. Krishnamurti, K. Zvelebil, M. Andronov) and the general lack of new large-scale monographic projects on the subject. It is a logical continuation of the authorʼs doctoral dissertation on the subject, published in 1972 (Elements of Kuṛux Historical Phonology, Leiden: Brill); the main goal of the book, as is clarified in the brief Preface, is to update the authorʼs original results by taking into account all the new comparative data that have become available since the publication of the revised Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (DEDR) by T. Burrow and M.B. Emeneau in 1984, and “to take a fresh look at the problems discussed in the first investigation into Kuṛux historical phonology” (p. 5).
(a book review)
The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (Wen Xin Diao Long) by Liu Xie (465/466– 520/522) overcomes other similar treaties of that time by its size (about 40 thousand characters), by the complexity of the structure, and as well by the depth of working out the issues of literary theory and practice. That’s why the Liu Xie’s literary concept is usually considered as a kind of quintessence of Chinese literary mind of the early Middle Ages. This article is an attempt to challenge this thesis and demonstrate that Liu Xie was far ahead of his time. Analyzing the Liu Xie’s genre concept, the author focuses on two major points. The first is the connection of the genre with categories of a higher or general order, with the notions of traditional Chinese literary types or modes of wen and bi and with the form of artistic speech. The second is the hierarchy of genres specified by the order of their description in the treatise. The author rebuts the idea that Liu Xie divided the literature into wen and bi on the basis of rhyme only. She argues that he considered the сontent of a literary work to be more important than its form for defining its genre.
Rev: S. Yu. Monakhov, E.V. Kuznetsova, N.B. Churekova, Amphorae of the 5th-2th c. BC from the Collection of the State Museum-Preserve « Tauric Chersonese »: Catalogue. Saratov: Novÿï proekt Press, 2017, 208 p., illustrations. ISBN 978-5-6040074-0-2
The expressions ‘Late Scythian culture’ and ‘Crimean Scythia’ are modern concepts. The first term appeared soon after 1946, and it was intended to designate the material culture of the Scythians, supposedly superseded by the Sarmatians in the 3rd century BC and later replaced by the Slavs, thus making a direct historical bridge from Scythians to Russians. The Late Scythian culture consisted of two enclaves, the Crimean-Dnieper and the Thracian one. The Crimean-Dnieper enclave was represented by two slightly different variants located in the Crimea and in the Lower Dnieper region. The term ‘Crimean Scythia’ was invented in late 1980s – early 1990s, and reflects the idea of the formation of a new separate Scythian statehood in the Crimea. According to the predominant point of view, the Late Scythian culture of the Crimea was constantly transforming in the course of the ‘Sarmaticization’ process. This position seems to be unsustainable. In fact, some migrations to the Crimea from the North Pontic steppe or the Caucasus could have likely occurred. However, the newcomers (‘Sarmatians’?) certainly had a much lesser effect on the functioning of the social networks and the economic and cultural appearance of the ‘Crimean Scythia’ than the proximity of the ancient centres and geopolitical aspirations of the world hegemonic powers.